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Holy Lance of Peter Bartholomew (Lance of Antioch) F [weap:spear] [Christendom] [Crusade]

Holy Lance;
sainte lance [mod. F.];
"Lance.. with which Longinus pierced Christ in the right side" (Fulcher of Chartres, Historia Hierosolymitania, Peters tr.);
lancea* saluatoris nostri Iesu Christi, ex qua in crucis pendens patibulo uulneratus fuit "Lance of our Saviour, Jesus Christ, with which He was wounded as He hung on the arm of the cross" (Gesta Francorum, Krey tr.);
"Lance of our father, Jesus Christ," "the Lance which opened the side of the Saviour" (Raimond de Aguilers, Historia Francorum, Krey tr.);
lanceam Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi "lance of Jesus Christ our Savior" (Petrus Tudebodus, Historia de Hierosolymitano itinere IV, x);
la lance de quoi Diex fu navrés (Ch. d'Antioche, Chant 7,laisse XIX; 8, XIX) la lance dont mors fu nostre Sire (ib. 8, X) la lance dont li felon tirant / Navrèrent Dame Dieu en sainte crois pendant (ib. 8, XLVII).
[Anna Comnena, mistaking it for the Nail]
[ὁ] ἅγιος ἧλος ‹nominative case› [τὸν] ἅγιον ἧλον ‹accusative case› ho hagios helos (Anna Comnena, Alexiad), "[The] Sacred Nail" (ib., Dawes tr.), "[The] Holy Nail" (ib., Sewter tr.) [Gk.] *1;
la lanza con que Jesucristo fuera herido en el costado, cuando lo pusieran en la cruz "the lance that wounded Jesus Christ on his side when they put him on the cross" (Gran Conquista de Ultramar XCVII, and similar), la lanza con que Jesucristo fuera herido en el costado, cuando lo pusieran en la cruz é que fuera rociada de la su sangre.. "+ that was spattered with his blood.."(ib. CXCV) lanza de Loginos "lance of Longinus" (ib. CCXLV) , [Middle Spanish/Castillian]

(Fulcher); Petrus "certain pilgrim of our army..[named] Peter;" (=?Petrus Heremita "Peter the Hermit" [L.]) (Gesta);
"a certain poor peasant, Provençal by race" in the employ of "William Peter" [=? William Peyre of Cunhlat] (Raimond);
Petrus Bartholomaeus "Peter Bartholomew" [L.] (Tudebodus);
(Ch. d'Antioche); un clérigo.. Pedro.. de Probncia (Gran Conquista de Ultramar XCVII) [Middle Spanish/Castillian];

An alleged "Holy Lance" discovered in Antioch in 1098 (June 14?) during the First Crusade, after the Crusaders captured the city. Although "Holy Lance" is convenient shorthand for modern-day discourse, none of the contemporary sources seem to designate the object in quite those words.

There are numerous accounts surrounding its discovery, many written by eyewitnesses on the Frankish side and by Arab ones, and although they generally concur about the overall thrust of the events, they are at considerable divergence over various details, so it is by no means an easy task to collate all the information in a cohesive summary.

All the sources concur that the purported Lance was discovered within the confines of a Christian church in Antioch. The Frankish sources that the Lance laid buried in a secret spot in the Church of St. Peter [where Peter the Apostle's remains were also interred, according to Tudebode's account]. This large edifice was called Qusyān by the Arabs, and Kassianos by the Greeks, after a name of the father whose son was restored to life by St. Peter.
The exact location of the spot was indicated by a certain Peter of Provence or Peter Bartholomew [Pierre Barthélemy], who learned of the Lance's presence from St. Andrew, who appeared to him in a vision.

William Peyre of Cunhlat Peter the Hermit or It has been alleged that the enlightening vision of the Lance occured to Peter even before the Crusaders captured the city, although it wasn't until the Christians were already occupying Antioch that Peter revealed word of it to anyone; this lapse conveniently explained as being due to Peter's reluctance to tell, fearing no one would believe him.

The authenticity of this Lance was not accepted universally by the Franks (even thoug Krey suggests it was so); nevertheless, the appearance of the Lance uplifted the spirits of the Christian forces to some measure as they faced the grim prospect of fighting Kerbogha, the Turkish emir. The role of the Lance is downplayed or embelished depending on the source.

§ Historical Background: Betrayal of Antioch

To backtrack, in 1097 Crusaders had reached Antioch and besieged it, with aim to take the city, but as the walls held, it was the Christian encampment that was rapidly reduced to famished misery, their woes compounded by the fact that a multitude of lay pilgrims, practically beggars, had tagged along.

There were certainly local Christians and other sympathizers within Antioch who were willing to sur

The fortified city of Antioch was betrayed to the Franks by a turncoat within its walls. The sources provide colorfully different identities to the betrayer.

The Gesta contends that it was a "certain Emir of the race of the Turks, whose name was Pirus" who befriended Bohemund, and yielding to the promise of Christitanity and riches, assented to giving Bohemond access to three towers of the city which he guarded, at any time he wished. Bohemund desists from acting until the other lords finally agree to give him the city entirely as reward for successful entry. Several knights approached the tower guarded by Pirus, and climbed the ladder into Anitoich, which was already set in place "and firmly bound to the projections of the city wall."

Raymond d'Aguilers, says that the Turks had in its employ servants who were converted Armenians and Greeks, and now one of these was betraying the city. The small contingent of men initially infiltrating the city was met by a messenger, who told them to wait until the three or four night watchmen with lamps walk around the perimeter are gone. The contingent then raised a ladder to scale the wall inside. As an interesting tidbit, Raymond evidently names Fulcher of Chartres (another chronicler) as the first to scale the wall.

An oft-quoted Muslim source, Ibn Al-Althĭr, identifies the betrayer who allowed the Franks entry into Antioch as a cuirass-maker or armorer named Rūzbah [Ruzbih, Firūz], whereas Ibn al-Qalānisi, calls him an Armenian named Firuz [Nayrkūz, Fayrkūz].

The then-ruler of Antioch had been Yaghi Siyān but he fled the city upon news that the Crusaders gained entry, and though he may have intended to turn back and fight, but was killed outside the city.

§ Peter the Hermit's Vision of the Holy Lance.

Antioch has within its walls a collaborator willing to help the Crusading army besieging it (see next sect.), and with his help,a contingent of Frenchmen are able to gain entry, and the Crusaders overtake the city. However, they had to brace themselves at the prospect of the massive enemy reinforcements fast arriving.

It is at this point that Peter the Hermit, who seems to have been the leader of the swarm of beggar pilgrims accompanying the Frankish army, lays down the prediction that the Holy Lance will be found once the spot he indicated is searched. The discovery is dated to June, 1098.

According to the Gesta Francorum, the appearance of Peter the Hermit is preceded by a certain priest who had a vision of Christ with a cautionary message. The Christians have disgraced themselves with their wantonness, and they had better return to the faith by daily chanting the Congregati sunt if they wanted Christ's aid in the battle ahead.
The leaders are next met by Peter (the Hermit), who comes to them with the visionary episodes he experienced before the Christians gained entry. Peter had an encounter with St. Andrew (which is all to real but which he deduces to have been a vision). The apostle initially informs him that the Lance was in St. Peter's Church. When Peter doesn't act, St. Andrew reappears, guides him to the spot, and upbraids him, saying why has he not dug up the lance, which would make them invulnerable.

Raymond d'Aguilers provides that when the Crusaders despaired within Antioch, it was a certain poor peasant of Provençal extraction who apprised them about the Lance. This man was first enlightened by St. Andrew regarding the Lance during the earthquake when the army was still encamped around Antioch. He was instructed to deliver the Lance to the lords (the Count of St. Gilles) but to wait until the Christians take the city. The man procrastinated from doing as commanded because he felt he was too humble for the role, and kept trying to leave for another city for provisions (as the encampment had a scarcity of them); finally the Saint issued him a warning for the fourth time, and he fell ill (by God's will for disobedience), and finally decided to deliver Lance to the men to whom it should be given.

Another source, Fulcher of Chartres (Foucher de Chartres), Historia Hierosolymitania, XVIII, chronicles the discovery of the Lance used by Longinus in the ground of Saint Peter's Church, without giving the name of the discoverer (Peter Bartholomew). The document emphasizes that the Bishop of Puy (Aïmer or Adhémar) was skeptical while Count Raymond (de St. Gille) was credulous. There were enough doubters regarding the genuinety of the Lance that a plan was made to settle the score, namely, the discoverer was put to trial by fire, and he was eager to prove himself. But the blazing pyre burned his skin horribly as he crossed and he died on the twelfth day. Historically the Trial of Peter did not occur until 1099.

§ Historical Aftermath:

but were soon besieged from the Seljuk Turks headed by the army of Karbughā [Kerbogha, Kerbuqā, etc.], emir of Mosul.

Peter claimed that he had which St. Andrew informed him of the Holy Lance buried in St. Peter's Cathedral in Antioch. There were believers and skeptics alike, but after considerable excavatory effort, Peter Bartholomew participated in the dig, and soon made discovery of the lance in question.

Whether this item was a genuine holy relic or no, and at any rate, the Crusaders sallied out of the gates of Antioch (perhaps a secret gate) on the day of the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul (June 28th), singing a war-song*1. They rally back and crush the Muslims. In sober terms, inner squabbling amongst the besiegers was also a contributing factor.

This particular lance has been identified by F. Mély's investigations as the one now at Echmiadzin in Armenia, which is not a lance as such, but rather the head of a standard,

The Holy Lance "Geghard" in Armenia. (Some other sites with photos, e.g. Russian Esprit)
    *1 Gibbon, Edward, 1737-1794, Decline and Fall, (1899 edition, notes by Milman, Henry Hart, 1791-1868), Book V, ch. 58, p. 587, note 99 "The Mahometan Aboulmahasen (apud de Guignes tom. ii. p. 95) is more correct in his account of the holy lance than the Christians, Annas Comnena and Abulpharagius: the Greek princess confounds it with a nail of the cross (l. xi. p. 326 [c.6]); the Jacobite primate, with St. Peter's staff (p. 242)
[or (Second Edition of 1902, notes by Bury, J. B. (John Bagnell), 1861-1927.) Vol. VI, Chap. 58, p.305 note 104]
Abulpharagius is another name for Bar Hebraeus (see below).

    *2 "The Holy Lance of Antioch: Power, Devotion, and Memory on the First Crusade," Reading medieval studies: annual proceedings of the Graduate Centre for Medieval Studies in the University of Reading, 33, p.27n [snippet]

§ Gesta Francorum et Aliorum Hierosolymitanorum

The Crusaders have taken Antioch, but with the grim prospect of large enemy forces under Kerbogha arriving any day. Their leaders are disconsolately gathered before the fortress, when a certain priest [perhaps Stephen] presented himself to them, and revealed a vision one night, in which he saw Christ appeared to him, reminding him of God's help in taking Nicea and Antioche, but expressed displeasure at the debauchery the Crusaders engaged in. He seemed hesitant to help them in the impending doom. The Virgin Mary and Peter (who also appeared in the vision) now pleaded with Him, so that Christ agrees to help, providing that the Christians will prove themselves with the daily chanting of the Congregati sunt.

Now a certain Peter (presumably = Petrus Heremita "Peter the Hermit" [L.], previously mentioned) comes forward to the leaders and tells his vision.
    Erat autem ibi quidam peregrinus de nostro exercitu cui nomen Petrus, cui antequam ciuitatem intraremus apparuit sanctus Andreas apostolus dicens: [..] Ego sum Andreas apostolus. Agnoscas fili, quia dum uillam intraueris, uadens ad ecclesiam beati Petri ibi inuenies lanceam saluatoris nostri Iesu Christi, ex qua in crucis pendens patibulo uulneratus fuit."
In illa uero hora accepit eum sanctus Andreas, et portauit eum usque ad locum ubi lancea erat recondita in terra. [et] uenit sanctus Andreas rursus dicens ei: "Quare non abstulisti lanceam de terra ut ego tibi precepi? Scias reuera, quia quicunque hanc lanceam portauerit in bello, nunquam ab hoste superabitur."
Gesta Francorum, Liber IX, xxv.
    There was a certain pilgrim of our army, whose name was Peter, to whom before we entered the city St. Andrew, the apostle, appeared and [.. ] The apostle said: "I am St. Andrew, the apostle. Know, my son, that when thou shalt enter the town, go the church of St. Peter. There thou wilt find the Lance of our Saviour, Jesus Christ, with which He was wounded as He hung on the arm of the cross."
[When the skeptical Peter does not act or tell others, St. Andrew reappears]
.. St. Andrew took him and carried him to the place where the Lance was hidden in the ground.. and said, "Wherefore hast thou not yet taken the Lance from the earth as I commanded thee? Know, verily, that whoever shall bear this lance in battle shall never be overcome by an enemy."
Gesta Francorum (excerpt, Peters, p.213-5 reprinted from Krey, 174-6)

Afterwards, Peter tells his secret out loud. The crowds are incredulous, but another man who had a vision chimes in on Peter. They head to the spot in the church of St. Peter which was pointed out, and "Thirteen men dug there from morning until vespers," and the Lance was found.
*1 Peters, Edward, 1936- ed., The First Crusade; the chronicle of Fulcher of Chartres and other source materials (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press 1971), pp. 213-5 [preview]; reprinted from Krey, August C. (August Charles), 1887-1961, ed. and tr. , The first crusade; the accounts of eye-witnesses and participants (Princeton University Press 1921), 174-6. [books.google] [preview]

§ Raimond d'Aguilers (Raymond d'Agiles), Historia Francorum qui ceperunt Iherusalem

This also purports to be an firsthand eyewitness account, and the author is at some point identified as the chaplain to Count Raymond of Saint-Gilles, hence the understandable bias in the Count's favor.

In this version, "Peter the Hermit" is mentioned in other capacities (leader of the multitude of pilgrims, messenger to "Corbara" = Kerboga) but his name is disassociated with the Occitan poor peasant who was the Lance-finder, later referred to as "the youth who had spoken of the Lance"]. It was still back when the Crusaders were still encamped outside Antioch, a and an earthquake rocked the city. In his state of fright, the man was visited upon by two strangers, one a red-and-white bearded elderly man, and the other a radiant youth. The elder declared himself to be Andrew the Apostle. He instructed the man to convene the Bishop of Puy (Aïmer, legate of the pope for the Crusades), Count (Raymond) of St. Gilles, and another lord. The man was to remind the bishop to preach the faith, and the count was to be given the "Lance of our father, Jesus Christ," the whereabouts of which the apostle would disclose to the man. (These were obviously meant to drum up the flagging morale of the Christian faithful to the cause.). The "poor peasant" continued to describe how he was led to the Lance:
    "I arose, therefore, and followed him into the city, dressed in nothing except a shirt. And he led me into the church of the apostle of St. Peter throught the north gate, before which the Saracens had built a mosque. In the church, indeed, were two lamps, which there gave as much light as if the sun had illuminated it. And he said to me, 'Wait here.' [..] Then St. Andrew, going under ground, brought forth the Lance and gave it into my hands.
    "And he said t ome 'Behold the Lnace which opened His side, whence the salvation of the whole world has come.'
    "While I held it in my hands, weeping for joy, I said to him, 'Lord, if it is Thy will, I will take it and give it to the Count!"
    "And he said to me 'Not now, for it will happen that the city will be taken. Then come with twelve men and seek it here whence I drew it forth and where I hide it.' And he hid it.
— Raymond of Aguilers, Historia Francorum, (excerpt, Krey, p.176-)

Yet the man heeded his humble station and was reluctant to approach the lords, (and obviously distressed by his hunger due to the paucity of provisions in the encampement) relocated towards Edessa to find food. At that, St. Andrew appeared again with his companion and demanded why he did not do as bid. The man elocuted his excuse of being too poor, but St. Andrew said God chose him for the task regardless, and after they left, the man felt an onset of blindness in his eyes. Taking this as a sign, he returned to the siege (to endure the hunger with the other throng of believers).
Yet still the men held his silence, so that St. Andrew appeared once again, "when at the Port of St. Simeon on Palm Sunday I was lying down in the tent with my lord, William Peter." Andrew told the man to go to the lords, and not fear harm from the Turks, and to instruct the Count to ride a boat in the Jordan River and besprinkle its water onto the linen shirt and breeches he is to wear, and keep those garments with the Lance. The man's lord did not see, but heard the words spoken.
Yet the man and his lord would attempt to cross to Cyprus for food despite the admonitions, and they would be turned back by unfavorable winds. Hearing that Antioch was taken by the Franks, the man returned to the city to discharge his duty finally. So he spoke to the lords, and the Bishop thought it idle boast, but the Count placed his belief in the authenticity of the Lance and placed the lance-prophet in the custody of his chaplain, Raymond [* identified in an upcoming passage as the author "who had written this"].

Meanwhile, Jesus appeared in vision to a priest named Stephen, marked by "a kind of cross much brighter than the sun proceeding from his head" (i.e., a halo). Jesus told him that the Crusaders have strayed from faith, but taught hin a certain prayer they should recite in battle, and prescribed certain deeds (of penance) to perform for five days to earn his mercy. Stephen went to the lords in the city and reported his vision, and swore by the truth of it upon the cross, offering to prove it by ordeal, i.e., "willing to pass through fire, or to jump from the top of the tower."
*1 Peters, Edward, 1936- ed., The First Crusade; the chronicle of Fulcher of Chartres and other source materials (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press 1971), pp. 215- [preview]; reprinted from Krey First Crusade, 176-182. [books.google]

*2 RA = Raymond d'Aguilers.
  • Text: Hill, John Hugh and Laurita Lyttleton Hill ed., Le "Liber" de Raymond d'Aguilers, (Paris, P. Geuthner, 1969)
  • Translation: Raimond, d'Aguilers, Historia Francorum qui ceperunt Iherusalem [by] Raymond D'Aguilers, tr. John Hugh Hill and Laurita L. Hill. (Philadelphia, American Philosophical Society, 1968) [* tr. of BN MS. Latin, 14,378, title from MS. Latin 5511A]

    *3 Runciman, Steven, 1903-2000, A history of the Crusades (Cambridge [Eng.] University Press, 1952-54 [v. 1, 1953]), Vol. 1 [preview]

  • § Foucher de Chartres (Fulcher), 1058?-ca. 1127, Historia Hierosolymitania

    *1 Peters, Edward, 1936- ed., The First Crusade; the chronicle of Fulcher of Chartres and other source materials (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press 1971), pp. 76- [preview];

    § Tudebodus, Petrus, Historia de Hierosolymitano itinere

    The pertinent passage from Pierre Tudebode will be taken from the ms. B version*1 below. It is at variance in various details with ms. A, translated into French by Goy*2 and into English by the Hills*1, *2.

        Erat autem ibi quidam peregrinus de exercitu nostro, Petrus Bartholomaeus nomine, cui apparuit sanctus Andreas apostolus, antequam civitatem intraremus, dicens: « Quid agis, bone vir? » Cui ille respondit: «Tu quis es?» Dixit ei apostolus: «Ego sum Andreas apostolus. Noscas, fili, quia dum villam intraveris, vade ad ecclesiam beati Petri apostoli, ibique invenies lanceam Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi, ex qua dum in crucis penderet patibulo vulneratus fuit. » Haec omnia dicente apostolo, continuo recessit.

        Ipse autem timens revelare consilium apostoli, noluit indicare nostris hominibus, scilicet peregrinis. Estimabant autem se visum videre.

        Alia quoque vice apparuit sanctus Andreas, dicens ei: « Quare non dixisti peregrinis quod tibi praecepi? » Et dixit ad eum: « Domine, quis hoc crediderit? » In illa vero hora accepit eum sanctus Andreas, et portavit eum in civitate usque ad locum, ubi lancea erat recondita in terra.

        Eo vidente, abstraxit sanctus Andreas apostolus lanceam de terra, et misit in manibus, dicens: « Haec est lancea Domini nostri Jesu Christi, quam misi hic, et frater meus apostolus Petrus. »

        Eo vidente, misit eam ibidem, et dixit Petro postea: « Revertere ad exercitum. » Cui ille respondit: « Domine, quomodo possum ire? Jam Turci sunt super muros civitatis, qui postquam audierint me, illico occident me. »

        Cui respondit apostolus: « Vade, ne timeas. »

        Tunc Petrus exire coepit de civitate videntibus cunctis Turcis, nihilque ei dixerunt.

    — Tudebode, Liber IV, Bulletin X, Parag. X
    [buletin, parag. sub-numbering by Marc Szwajcer]
    But amongst the midst of our army, there was a pilgrim named Peter Bartholomew, to whom St. Andrew the Apostle had appeared, sometime before we had entered into the city [of Antioch], and had told him, "Good man, what are you doing?" To which he replied, "Who are you?" The Apostle said, "I am Andrew the Apostle. Remember my son, when you enter the city, to go to the Church of Blessed Peter the Apostle, where you will find the Spear of Jesus Christ our Savior, with which He was wounded when he hung yoked on the Cross." After saying all of this, the Apostle disappeared.

    But that pilgrim was afraid to reveal the the Apostle's counsel to anyone, and he was unwilling to tell our people. For they would think he was imagining visions.

    Once again St. Andrew appeared and said, "Why did not you know tell the pilgrims what I advised to you?" And he replied: "My lord, who would believe it?" That very moment St. Andrew seized hold of him and carried him to the spot in the city where the Spear lay in the ground.

    As [Peter] watched, Andrew the Apostle extracted the Lance from the ground, put it in his hand, saying: "This is the Lance of our Lord, Jesus Christ, which I laid to rest here, together with my brother, Peter the Apostle."

    As [Peter] watched, the [saint] put [the Lance back] at the same spot, and then said to Peter, "Return to the army". To which he answered, "Lord, how could I go? Right now, the Turks stand [watch] above the walls around the city, and if they perceive me, they will kill me."

    The Apostle said: "Go without fear. "

    So Peter began to depart from the city in plain sight of all the Turks, and they said nothing to him.
    —tr. mine
    {Meanwhile, the Frankish army had taken Antioch, and fearfully awaiting the arrival of enemy reinforcements. Some of the leaders fled, and morale had declined. }
        Igitur nos infra civitatem [* =Antioch] detenti,*1 venit Petrus Bartholomaeus ad comitem Sancti Aegidii, et dixit ei ut pergeret ad ecclesiam Sancti Petri, ubi erat lancea recondita. Ille*2 audiens haec, cum magna laetitia venit ad ecclesiam.

        Et ille Petrus ostendit ei locum ante januas chori in dextera parte.

        Et foderunt ibi tredecim*3 homines de mane usque ad vesperam. Facta autem nimis profunda fovea, ipse Petrus invenit lanceam Jesu Christi, sicut beatus ei Andreas indicaverat, quarto decimo die intrante Junio.

        Et acceperunt illam cum magno gaudio, Te Deum laudamus psallentes, detulerunt laudantes ad altare; unde maxima laetitia in tota urbe fuit. Haec audiens exercitus Francorum, cum magno gaudio ad ecclesiam Sancti Petri venerunt, videre lanceam: et similiter Graeci, et Hermenii, et Suriani, cantantes Kyrie eleison, et dicentes: Kalo Franci . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Christo: hoc est, boni sunt Franci, qui habent lanceam Christi*4.

    *1 ms. A, insert "we learned that" *2 ms. A, le Comte de Saint-Gilles (tr. Goy) *3 ms. A, douze (tr. Goy) *4 ms. A, "Kalo Francia fundari Christo exi" (tr. Goy, trr. Hill)
    — Tudebode, Liber IV, Bulletin XI, paragraph IV

    Then, as we were detained within the city [of Antioch], *1 Peter Bartholomew was visited by St. Andrew, who as a fellow, spoke and accompanied him to the church of St. Peter, where the Lance lay concealed. One *2 who heard about this went to the church quite ecstatic.

    And Peter showed him the spot in front of the entrance to the choir on the right side.

    And thirteen*3 men dug there from dawn to dusk. They made quite a deep pit, and Peter himself found the Lance of Jesus Christ, as Saint Andrew had revealed; [this was] fourteen days into June.

    They received it with great jubilation; and singing the Te Deum laudamus ("God, We Praise Thee") they bore it celebrating to the altar; whereupon the city was swept by general euphoria. Hearing this, the Frankish army very merrily came to Saint Peter's Church to view the Lance; and likewise were the Greeks, Armenians, and Syrians singing the Kyrie eleison ("Lord Have Mercy") and chanting, "Kalo Franci . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Christo," that is to say, "Goodly are the Frankish who have the Lance of Christ"*4
    *1 ms. A, insert "we learned that" *2 ms. A, Raymond of Saint-Gilles. *3 ms. A, twelve *4 ms. A, "Kalo Francia fundari Christo exi" (tr. "Go forth ye good Frankish [men], based in Christ" [?])
    — translation mine

        Subsequent enemy troops under Kerboga (Curbalan [L.]) arrive, the Franks send message to Turks, questioning Turkish claim to "Christian territory", to be answered by a demand absolve their faith and become Turks.
    Before th ebattle the Franks engage in acts of Christian devotion as instructed "by Christ" through the medium of a priest named Stephen (Stephanus), for which they will be greatly awarded.
        Kerboga called out the Franks from out of the city, but seeing the sizable force amassed he seemed to cower, retreating towards the mountains. The Frankish army followed suit, but were attacked on two sides by the Turks who split their forces, suffering heavy casualties. And then yet a third unfamiliar army of countless soldiers appeared, riding white horses and holding up white banners (vexilla). The Christian thought it spelled their doom, but soon realized these were a friendly a supernatural army summoned by the priest Stephen. The white knights were led by St. George, the Blessed Theodore, and St. Demetrius (sanctus Georgius, et beatus Theodorus, et sanctus Demetrius [L.]).
    *1 Duchesne, André ed., Petri Tvdebodi sacerdotis sivracensis Historia de Hierosolymitano Itinere, in: Historiae Francorum scriptores coaetanei, Tome IV, (1641) [* Manuscrit B = Bibl. Impériale [BnF], fonds latin, 4802] [books.google]. Also found as appendix in Migne, J.-P., ed., Saeculum XII: Godefredi Bullonii, etc., pp.757-820 (Paris; D'Enfer, 1854) [Patrologiae cursus completus, Tomus CLV] [books.google] [copy]

    *2 Goy, Stéphan de, Mémoires de l'historien Pierre Tudebode (ou Tudebœuf) sûr son pélerinage à Jérusalem (Quimper, Salaun, 1878) [* Manuscrit A = BnF, fonds latin, No 5135] [gallica]. The Latin (ms. A) vs. French tr. (ms. B) is hypertexted in parallel at the Remacle site.

    *3 Hill, John Hugh and Hill, Laurita L. trr., Historia de Hierosolymitano itinere [by] Peter Tudebode (Philadelphia, American Philosophical Society, 1974.) [excerpt deremilitar.org]

    § Ibn Al-Athīr, ʻIzz al-Dīn, 1160-1233 Kāmil fī al-tārīkh

    An Arab account regarding the lance will be given here from the Arab side of view, according to Ibn Al-Athir's "The Complete History" [or "The Perfect History", "Collection of Histories"] *1, *2, *3.

    There is an interesting foregoing episode of how the Franks considering the conquest of North Africa by using Sicily as foothold, but Roger I of Sicily (1031 - 1101)*4 steered them towards attacking Syria instead.

    Baldwin [* Bardawīl is either a composite of various Baldwins of Flanders and Jerusalem, unless Baldwin I who was not yet king is meant here. (Garbrieli's footnote)] came to his kinsman Roger counting on his help in conquering territory in Africa, and Roger assembled his peerage for their opinion, and they said it was great news that the lands will be converted to Christianity, at which Roger gave a loud fart and said their opinions were worth less than the flatulance he just issued from his posterior end. If he helped the Franks, it would cost him resources and men; and if the Franks succeed, he would only lose revenue from commerce with Africa; and his involvement will be a breach of the amicable treaty with Tamīm (emir of Tunisia).

    Ibn Al-Athīr noted a story circulating that even the Fatimid dynasty in Egypt might have encouraged (or rather invited) the Franks to fight in Syria, in order to put the rivaling Seljuquid Turks in check [* Fatimids were heretics as seen from Sunni Islam].
    When the Franks marched into Constantinople, the Greek Emperor also became similarly motivated, or so thinks the historian, who says that the Emperor incited the Franks into attacking the Turks who he saw as a threat which may wipe their empir out into nonexistence. Accordingly, the Emperor issued the demand that the Franks promise to make a conquest of Antioch, as condition for being allowed passage across the Bosphorus (in 490/1097) into Asia.
    To reach their destination, the Franks must transverse the Sultanate of Iconium, ruled by Qilij Arslān ibn Sulaimān ibn Qutlumísh. They broke through, and crosse Cicilia, reaching Antioch (Oct. 1097).

    Antioch had a resident Christian population, and the city's ruler, Yaghī Siyān (Yaghi, Gabrieli tr.), fearful that they may become saboteur's in league with the Franks, decided to expel them by subterfuge. He ordered them outside to dig the moat, and shut them out of the city, though he promised to see to the welfare of their wives and children, until such time as things are settled with the Franks, one way or the other.

    The historian identifies the betrayer who allowed the Franks entry into Antioch as an armorer named Rūzbah (Richards tr.) [* In Gabrieli's text, the phrasing is "a cuirass-maker named Ruzbih" (or Firūz in an alternate reading). ] But Ibn al-Athīr lived and wrote much later after the fact, and according to a contemporary source, Ibn al-Qalānisi, who says "Franks had captured the city of Antioch through the devices of the armourer, who was an Armenian named Firuz" (Gibb ed., p.45)*5 [* Richards (footnote to his translation of Ibn al-Athir), provides two readings of the name of this betrayer: Ibn Qal., 136 Nayrūz (Fayrūz)]
    Bribed by money and lands, this man offered entry into the city, for he was in charge of a tower with a window overlooking a valley (Gabrieli translates that it was not a window up above, but a water-gate down below, which spouted river water into the valley). The Franks thus infiltrated the city, climbing the tower on ropes, until they were 500-men strong. When news of the breach was announced, Yaghī Siyān fled the city. He regretted the decision, swooning in grief, and was decapitated by an Armenian shepherd.

    Then the Franks occupy Antioch, but anticipated an attack by the army led by Qiwām al-Dawla Karbughā (Qawām ad-Daula Karbughā, Gabrieli tr.) (the emir of Mosul). The Franks are left for twelve days. The lords ate their horses, but the minions subsisted on carrion and leaves. There follows the description of the discovery of the lance:

    The following princes were with them: Baldwin, [Raymond of] St. Gilles, Count Godfrey the Count lord of Edessa and Bohemond the lord of Antioch, their leader. There was a monk there, of influence amongst them, who was a cunning man. He said to them, 'The Messiah (blessings be upon Him) had a lance which was buried in the church at Antioch, ["in the Qusyān, Gabrieli tr.] which was a great building. If you find it, you will prevail, but if you do not find it, then destruction is assured.' He had previously buried a lance in a place there and removed the traces [of his digging]. He commanded them to fast and repent, which they did for three days. On the fourth day he took them all into the place, accompanied by the common people and workmen. They dug everywhere and found it as he had said, 'Rejoice in your coming victory', he said to them.
    — Ibn Al-Athīr, [276-7] Richards tr.,p.16-
    ≅ ib., X, 188-90, Gabrieli tr., p.8

    The name of the building where the lance was found does not seem to occur in the original Arab text, and Gabrieli evidently interpolates the name here. His notes add that the building named Qusyān and Κασσιανός by Greek sources referred to the name of a man whose son was resurrected by St. Peter.
    *1 The recently published complete English translation of the work: "[276] How the Muslims marched against the Franks and what befell them" in Richards, D. S. tr., The chronicle of Ibn al-Athīr for the crusading period from al-Kāmil fīʼl-taʼrīkh (Aldershot, Hants, England / Burlington, Vt. : Ashgate, 2006) [Crusade texts in translation 13] [limited view] , pp.15-7

    *2 Excerpts in Gabrieli's anthology: "The Franks Seize Antioch" / "The Muslim Attack on the Franks, and its Results (Ibn Al-Athīr X, 185-188 / 188-90)" in Garbrieli, Francesco ed., (translated from the Italian by E. J. Costello) Arab Historians of the Crusades (Barnes & Noble 1993), p. 7-9

    *3 The material is also given in brief in a popular non-fiction title: Amin Maalouf, Crusades Through Arab Eyes, "Chap.3", p.35 "an extremely wily monk who assured him that a lance of the Messiah, peace be upon him, was buried in Kusyan, a great edifice of Antioch," etc.

    *4 An interesting tidbit is that his son Roger II was the owner of a mantle which, together with the Holy Lance in Vienna and Otto's crown belongs in the Australian regalia known as the Reichskleinodien.

    *5 Gibb, H.A.R. (Hamilton Alexander Rosskeen), 1895-1971, The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades, Extracted and Translated from the Chronicle of Ibn al-Qalanisi. (Lodon, Luzac, 1932 reprint, Dover Publications, 2002). [preview]

    § Bar Hebraeus, 1226-1286 Makhtebhânûth zabhnê (Chronicon Syriacum) "Chronography"

    It seems that Bar Hebraeus wrote the original in Syriac "Chronography" and himself wrote the translation in Arabic under the title "History of Dynasties". The Syriac original was entitled Maktebānūt Zabnē meaning "Chronography" and published as Chronicon Syriacum. He had all but three leaves remaining to finish his Arabic translation al-Mukhtasar fi d-duwal "Epitome of the History of Dynasties"*3

    Bar Hebraeus (Budge's translation) identifies the collaborator of Antioch as Rûzbah (consistent with Ibn Al-Athir's account). Rûzbah guarded a tower next to a ravine named Kashkarûf, and he was bribed (to look the other way?) so that the Franks bridged the ravine with iron poles and built a tower upon it (perhaps the siege engine "tortoise" described by Princess Anna Comnena).

    The besieged Franks are famished and many ate their horses. And now we come to the account of the Holy Spear

    And one of the king of the FRANKS saw a dream. And they opened a certain place in the church of MÂR CASSIANUS, and they found there some splinters of the Cross of our Lord, and they made out of them a cross, and the head of a spear, and they took them and went forth against the TURKS.

    In the above Latnization into "Cassianus" is Budge's stylization, and the original seems closer to "Qasy&"x0101;n"*4.
    * Bar Hebraeus's name appears in many forms and spellings: Bar 'Ebhraya, Bar Ebroyo, Abul al-faraj, Yohannan Ibn al-'Ibri, "John son of the Hebrew" Gregorius Abulpharagius, Gregory Abu'l Faraj, etc. (Budge suggests he may have taken on the name Gregory as bishop twenty years after his father christened him John.) cf. George Lane, "An Account of Gregory Bar Hebraeus Abu al-Faraj and His Relations with the Mongols of Persia"

        *1 The relevant section is entitled "History of the Crusades" (p. 234-) in Budge, E. A. Wallis (Ernest Alfred Wallis), Sir, 1857-1934. & tr. , The chronography of Gregory Abû'l Faraj, the son of Aaron, the Hebrew physician, commonly known as Bar Hebraeus; being the first part of his political history of the world, translated from the Syriac by (London, Oxford Univ. Press, H. Milford, 1932) 2vol. -- VOL I. English translation.VOL II. Facsimiles of the syriac texts in the Bodleian ms. Hunt no 52.
    Base text: Bedjan, Paul, 1838-1920 ed., Gregorii Barhebræi Chronicon Syriacum (Paris, 1890).

        *2 When Gibbon cites Abulpharagius p. 242 (where the Holy Lance is mistaken for St. Peter's Staff), he seems to be referring to the the Arabic version Dynasties of Gregory Abulpharagius edited by Pocock, i.e.,:
    Pococke, Edward, 1604-1691, ed. Historia compendiosa dynastiarvm (Oxford 1663) [there is also a Supplementum Historiae dynastiarvm (Oxford 1663)], because this is probably full length and accompanied by a Latin translation.
    As to Pococke's Specimen historiae Arabum, sive, Gregorii Abul Farajii Malatiensis.. (Oxford 1650), I have leafed through the contents of the Second edition, ed. Joseph White, Specimen historiae Arabum (Oxford, 1806), but this has about 30pp of Arabic text from the work without a translation, followed by several hundred pages of "notes" on various topic written in Latin and quoting passages by Arabic authors.
    The Historia of 1663 and the Specimen of 1650 are available in facsimile form at EEBO if you go to a library facility with an account.

        *3 The Person of Jesus Christ in the Writings of Juhanon Gregorius Abu'l Faraj Commonly Called Bar Ebraya, p.43 note.
        *4 Herman Teule, "The Crusaders in Barhebreus' Syriac and Arabic Secular Chronicles" p.45.

    § The Alexiad [Annae Comnenae Alexias] (Account in Greek)

    The author, Anna Comnena was is the emperor's daughter born in 1083. At age of fourtenn or so, she would have been firsthand eyewitness to the Franks of the First Crusade who passed through Constantinople.

    A year later, the emperor Alexius himself led an army out of Constantinople, hoping to aid the Franks in Antioch, who were imperiled by the forces of Kerbogha (Kourpagan [Sewter] Curpagan [Dawes] Κουρπαγάν [Gk.]).
    But Alexius's army only campaigned to half-way's distant, stopping at Philomelion on the edge of the Empire bordering the Sultanate of Iconium, but then returning back.

    Thus none of the Greeks could serve as firsthand reporters of the events at Antioch, explaining the crude inacurracies of Anna's accounts in this (such as confounding Peter the Hermit with the Bishop of the Frankish army [who was acutally Adhemar, Bishop of Puy], stating that it was a Holy Nail rather than the Lance which was discovered, and neglecting to mention say what building it was where the altar had to be dug to find the relic.

    {XI.6.7} οἱ δέ γε Λατῖνοι ὺπὸ λιμοῦ τε καὶ συνεχοῦς πολιορκίας δεινῶς πιεζόμενοι προσεληλυθότες τῷ εἰς Ἑλενούπολιν τότε ἡττηθέντι Πέτρῳ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ αὐτῶν͵ ὡς ὁ λόγος φθάσας ἐδήλωσεν͵ ᾐτοῦντο βουλὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ. Ὁ δὲ πρὸς αὐτούς· Ἁγνούς͵ φησι͵ τηρῆσαι ἑαυτοὺς ὑποσχόμενοι͵ μέχρις ἂν τὴν Ἱερουσαλὴμ καταλάβητε͵ παρέβητε͵ οἶμαι͵ τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν. Διὰ τοῦτο νῦν ὑμῖν οὐκ ἐπαρήγει ὡς τὸ πρό τερον ὁ Θεός. Δεῖ οὖν ἐπιστραφῆναι πρὸς τὸν Κύριον καὶ τὰς σφῶν ἀποκλαύσασθαι ἁμαρτίας ἐν σάκκῳ καὶ σποδῷ͵ καὶ δάκρυσι θερμοῖς τὴν μετάνοιαν ἐνδειξαμένους καὶ παννύχοις δεήσεσι. Τότε δὴ σχολάσω καὶ αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν τὸ Θεῖον ἐξιλεούμενος. Πείθονται ταῖς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως παραινέσεσι. Καὶ μεθ΄ ἡμέρας τινὰς ἐκ θείας ὀμφῆς κινηθεὶς ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς παραινέσεσι. Καὶ μεθ΄ ἡμέρας τινὰς ἐκ θείας ὀμφῆς κινηθεὶς ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς μεταπεμψάμενος τοὺς μεγι στᾶνας τῶν κομήτων παρηγγυᾶτο δεξιόθεν διορύξαι τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου κἀκεῖσε τὸν ἅγιον εὑρηκέναι ἧλον. Τὸ ἐπι ταχθὲν οὖν πεποιηκότες͵ ἐπεὶ μὴ εὕρισκον͵ ἐπανα στρέψαντες μετὰ ἀθυμίας τὴν τοῦ ζητουμένου διαμαρτίαν ἀπήγγελλον. Ὁ δὲ ἐκτενέστερον τὴν δέησιν ποιησάμενος ἐπιμελέστερον τὴν τοῦ ζητουμένου ἀναψηλάφησιν ποιή σασθαι ἐπέταττεν. Οἱ δὲ καὶ αὖθις ἐπλήρουν τὸ κελευσθὲν καί͵ τὸν ζητούμενον εὑρηκότες͵ δρομαίως τῷ Πέτρῳ προσέφερον χαρᾷ καὶ φρίκῃ συνεχόμενοι. {XI.6.8}
    ≈ Schopen ed., Annae Comnenae Alexiadis II, p.101
    ≈ Du Cange[?] Book xi. p.326 [c.6]
    {XI.6.7}The Latins, being dreadfully harassed by the famine and the unrelenting siege, approached Peter, their bishop, who had been defeated formerly at Helenopolis (as I have already made clear) and asked for his advice. 'You promised, he replied, 'to keep yourselves pure until you arrived at Jerusalem. But you have broken that promise, I think, and for that reason God no longer helps us as He did before. You must turn again to the Lord and weep for your sins in sackcloth and ashes, with hot tears and nights passed in intercession, proving your repentance. Then, and only then, will I join in seeking Divine Forgiveness on your behalf.' They listened to the high priest's counsel. Some days later, moved by some Divine oracle, he called to him the leading counts and recommended them to dig to the right of the altar and there, he said, they would find the Holy Nail. They did as he said, but found nothing, and returning to him in dismay told him of their failure. He prayed even more earnestly and commanded them to make a close examination with greater care. Again they carried out his orders exactly. This time they found what they were looking for and running brought it to Peter, overcome with joy and religious awe. {XI.6.8}
    — Sewter tr., p.351ff

    The Revered and Holy Nail was entrusted by them in their battles to Saint-Gilles (Ἰσαγγέλης Isangeles [Dawes tr.])*7 because he was deemed to be purerer than the rest.

    On the next day they made a sortie from a secret gate against the Turks. On that occasion, the Count of Flanders asked to be allowed to ride out with only three companions to fight. He charged at full gallop at Kourpagan/Curpagan, spearing and hurling down every oncoming foe. This struck such terror in the hearts of the Turks that they fled.

    The Sacred Nail "which pierced my Saviour's side" also appears in Book 8.ix. The emperor Alexius wants to keep a powerful military leader named Gabras in check by retaining his underaged son Gregory as hostage (the emperor is even willing to marry one of his daughters to him). Gregory approached certain persons in the emporor's employ to help him escape to his father. One of the confidants called Michael the cup-bearer reported the plot to the emperor who was incredulous. So those privy to the plot but loyal to the emperor tricked Gabras into secretly stealing the Sacred Nail, and then to swear by this holy relic before his accomplice on the veracity of the plot. Gabras was turned over to the emperor with the Nail still hidden in his clothes.
    *1 Alexiad, online text in Greek (Unicode) vs. English translation (Dawes' version).

    *2 Schopen, Ludwig [Ludovicus Schopenus] 1799-1867 ed. tr., Du Cange, Charles Du Fresne, sieur, 1610-1688 ed. Annæ Comnenæ Alexiadis libri XV. Græca ad codd. fidem nunc primum recensuit, novam interpretationem Latinam subjecit, C. Ducangii commentarios suasque annotationes addidit. . [Corpus Scriptorium Historiae Byzantinae] (Bonnae: IMpensis ed. Weberi 1878) [Volumen II], p. 100

    *3 Reifferscheid, August ed., Anna Comnena Alexias (Annae Comnenae porphyrogenitae Alexias) (Lipsiae: in aedibus B. G. Teubneri 1884) [Bibliotheca Scriptorum-Grecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana] Tome II, p.121

    *4 Dawes, Elizabeth Anna Sophia 1864-1954 tr., Comnena, Anna, b. 1083, The Alexiad of the Princess Anna Comnena, being the history of the reign of her father, Alexius I, Emperor of the Romans, 1081-1118 A.D.. (London: Kegan, Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co., Ltd., 1928) (Reprint: New York, Barnes & Noble 1967)
    Online versions: fulltext@Fordham U. (alt: earth-history.com)
    PDF versions: In Parentheses @ York U.]

    *5 Sewter, E. R. A. (Edgar Robert Ashton) 1907-1976 tr., Comnena, Anna, b. 1083, The Alexiad of Anna Comnena. (Baltimore, Penguin Books 1969) [limited view]

    *6 There is an interesting passage earlier in which the author says Isangeles had built a siege engine called the "tortoise" (chelon χελώνην [Gk.]), which was a wooden tower covered with hides, in order to assault on a tower called Gonates.


    § Chanson d'Antioche (12c.) )

    [This section still under construction]

    The supposed discovery of the Holy Lance of the Longinus in St. Peter's church by the Occitan contingent under the orders of St Andrew made an enormous difference to Christian morale. [footnote 23: See Runciman, History, pp. 241-46, and 'The holy lance found at Antioch', Analecta Bollandiana, 68 (1950), 197-209. For more recent discussion see C. Morris, 'Policy and visions. The case of the Holy Lance at Antioch,' in J. Gillingham and J. Holt, eds. War and government in the Middle Ages: Essays in honour of J. O. Prestwich (Woodbridge, 1984) pp.33-45. For more details see the note to 334 of our edition. For Christian morale see for example GF 65: 'ab illa hora accepimus inter nos consilium belli' ('from that hour we decide on a plan of attack'). (p.85)

    Ibn al-Athir writes that 'il valait mieux attendre, pour les tuer, qu'il furent tous sortis' with Kerboghat stopping the Muslims from attacking until he gave the order, leading to the disillusionment of his forces. [fn97: Ibn al-Athir, Kamel-Altevarykh, p.195 see also Kemal ed-Dîn, Chronique d'Alep, p.583.

    Note 334: The Holy Lance of Antioch provide one of he great controversies of the First Crusade. The impetus for its discovery, during Kerbogha's siege of Antioch, came from Peter Bartholomew, and impoverished Occitan crusader, who claimed to have visions of St Andrew telling him where to find it. Eventually and allegedly unwillling Peter informed the leaders of his contingent, Raymond IV and Bishop Adhemar; a working party was formed and after much digging in the Church of St Peter at Antioch it was Peter himself who dragged the Lance from its hole. Adhemar had doubts from the beginning, but these were no t shared by the desperate Christian army; to them the Lance seemed a symbol from God promising divine aid, and when they rode out to victory at the battle of Antioch it was with the Lance in the Occitan contingent. Accordint to RA 81-82 it was Adhemar who carried the lance, and it emanated divine protection to all those suroounding it; other sources concur that it was carried by Adheamar (for example GF 68). Victory once gained, doubts about the authenticity of the Lance began to be openly expressed, and it became a focus for the growing enmity of Normans and Occitans. Eventually Peter Barhtolomew volunteered to undergo trial by fire to prove his honesty, and died in agony twelve days later -- though according to his supporters this was because of the crowd enthusiastically rushing forward and accidentally pushing him back into the blaze. For the fullest account, by a fervent partisan of the Lance, see RA [*Le 'liber' de Raymond d'Aguilers, ed. by J. H. and L. L. Hill (Paris, 1969). translated by ditto as Historia francorum qui ceperunt Jerusalem Philadelphia, 1968] 68-72, 75-76, 81-82, 118-123; for a more neutral account see GF [*Gesta Francorum et aliorum Hierosolimitanorum, ed. by R. Hill (London, 1962)] 59-60, 65; for a hostile Norman account RC 676-78 and 682, dismissing the whole affair as a forgery. For a balanced discussion of the evidence see Runciman, 'The Holy Lance', who points out that the 'genuine' Holy Lance was already preserved at Constantinople and that Anna Comnena refers to this one as a Holy Nail; ME 39-43 relates some shady dealings on the part of Alexius. Whatever the truth of hte matter, there can be no doubt that the Lance did wonders for Christian morale at the battle of Antioch, and our sources say as much: thus GF 65, 'ab illa hora accepimus inter nos consilium belli' ('from that hour we accepted amongst ourselves the need to give battle'). The Lance is not specifically mentioned in other sources as being rusty and bleeding; possibly this echoes an episode told for example by GF 51 where Kerbogha is brought a rusty sword, wooden bow and useless spear supposedly belonging to the Christians, which he mocks. Longinus, original wielder of the Lance, is often mentioned in epic tradition: see Couronnement, 768-74 amd 1028, and de Caluwé's comments in 'La prière'. pp. 18-19.
    *1 Paris, Paulin, 1800-1881 ed., Sainte-Aulaire, Louis Clair de Beaupoil, comte de, 1778-1854 tr., Richard le Pèlerin, 12th cent., Graindor de Douai, 12th cent. , La chanson d'Antioche, composée au XIIe siècle, par Ricard le Pèlerin; renouvelée par Graindor de Douai au XIIIe siècle, (Paris, Didier et cie, 1862) [books.google]

    *2 Duparc-Quioc, Suzanne ed., Graindor de Douai, 12th cent. , La Chanson d'Antioche (Paris : P. Geuthner, 1976) 2vol.

    *3 Robert Levine, "The Betrayal and Capture of Antioch during the First Crusade", laisses ccxxx-cclxv.

    *4 Peters, op. cit., p.302- (tr. of laisses I-III, VII, IX, etc.)

    § Canso D'Antioca (13c.)

    "The Madrid fragment shows Kerbogha mocking the Christian religion and referring to the Holy Lance. There is a similiar speech but at an earlier point in the Antioche [Antioche, 6786-801: RM = Robert the Monk, 810]". (Paterson, p.64)

    The sermon before the battle The Madrid fragment (404-26) presents in direct speech the short sermon given by Adhemar before battle is joined. The Antioche describes Adhemar arming himself and giving an exhortatory speech, which leads into a dispute between the barons as to who should carry the Holy Lance. [Antioche, 7710-894] (p.67)
    *1 Linda M. Paterson, Carol Sweetenham ed. tr., The Canso D'Antioca: An Occitan Epic Chronicle of the First Crusade [limited preview]

    § The Spear of Echmiadzin, Armenia


        *2 Mély, F. de (Fernand de), 1851- , Exuviæ sacræ constantinopolitanæ c: Fasciculus documentorum minorum, Vol. 3 (Paris, Ernest Leroux, Éditeur 1904)
    Holy Lance of Etschmiadzin, after the sketch in the imperial archives:
    A. The Holy Lance.
    B. A cross fused (sic.) into the Lance. [* in actuality this is an aperture cut out of the spearpoint]
    C. A cross and two pieces fastened to the Lance, after the tradition of St. Thomas the apostle. Though not shown in the sketch, it is thought that the Lance was broken along the line connecting the points C. - C. - C.
    D. Ties with the red shield of the Armenian patriarch Daniel.
    E. Ties with the yellow shield of the false patriarch David.
    F. Handle.




  • Charles R. Beard, Luck And Talismans: A Chapter of Popular Superstition
  • Michaud, Joseph François, (W. Robson tr.) History of the Crusades


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